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Winston Churchill
Role as wartime Prime Minister
Yousuf Karsh portrait of Winston Churchill on cover of Life magazine.At the
outbreak of the Second World War Churchill--after a brief offer by Chamberlain
to appoint him as a minister without portfolio--was appointed First Lord of the
Admiralty and a member of the War Cabinet, just as he was in the first part of
the First World War. According to myth, the Navy sent out: "Winston's back!"
In this job he proved to be one of the highest-profile ministers during the
so-called "Phony War", when the only noticeable action was at sea. Churchill
advocated the pre-emptive occupation of the neutral Norwegian iron-ore port of
Narvik and the iron mines in Kiruna, Sweden, early in the War. However,
Chamberlain and the rest of the War Cabinet disagreed, and the operation was
delayed until the German invasion of Norway, which was successful despite
British efforts.
On 10 May 1940, hours before the German invasion of France by a surprising
lightning advance through the Low Countries, it became clear that, following
failure in Norway and general incompetence, the country had no confidence in
Chamberlain's prosecution of the war and so Chamberlain resigned. The commonly
accepted version of events states that Lord Halifax turned down the post of
Prime Minister because he believed he could not govern effectively as a member
of the House of Lords instead of the House of Commons. Although traditionally
the Prime Minister does not advise the King on the former's successor,
Chamberlain wanted someone who would command the support of all three major
parties in the House of Commons. A meeting with the other two party leaders led
to the recommendation of Churchill, and as a constitutional monarch, George VI
asked Churchill to be Prime Minister and to form an all-party government.
Churchill, breaking with tradition, did not send Chamberlain a message
expressing regret over his resignation. [7]
Churchill's greatest achievement was that he refused to capitulate when defeat
by Germany was a strong possibility and he remained a strong opponent of any
negotiations with Germany. Few others in the Cabinet had this degree of resolve.
By adopting this policy Churchill maintained Britain as a base from which the
Allies could attack Germany, thereby ensuring that the Soviet sphere of
influence did not also extend over Western Europe at the end of the war.
In response to previous criticisms that there had been no clear single minister
in charge of the prosecution of the war, Churchill created and took the
additional position of Minister of Defence. He immediately put his friend and
confidant, the industrialist and newspaper baron Lord Beaverbrook, in charge of
aircraft production. It was Beaverbrook's astounding business acumen that
allowed Britain to quickly gear up aircraft production and engineering that
eventually made the difference in the war.
Churchill's speeches were a great inspiration to the embattled British. His
first speech as Prime Minister was the famous "I have nothing to offer but
blood, toil, tears, and sweat" speech. He followed that closely with two other
equally famous ones, given just before the Battle of Britain. One included the
immortal line, "We shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall
fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in
the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never
surrender." The other included the equally famous "Let us therefore brace
ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and
its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, 'This was their
finest hour.' " At the height of the Battle of Britain, his bracing survey of
the situation included the memorable line "Never in the field of human conflict
was so much owed by so many to so few", which engendered the enduring nickname
"The Few" for the Allied fighter pilots who won it. One of his most memorable
war speeches came on 10 November 1942 at the Lord Mayor's Luncheon at Mansion
House in London. That day, word had come that American and British troops had
surrounded the port of Casablanca in Africa. As most people were saying it was
the beginning of the end, Churchill famously said
"This is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is,
perhaps, the end of the beginning"
This was not his final involvement with the RAF. Churchill issued orders to raze
German cities to the ground using "terror bombing" raids. He encouraged these
"impressive acts of terror and wanton destruction" through "other pretexts",
which were to depress German morale and "de-house" the German population. [1]
Implementation of the plan resulted in the destruction by relentless firebombing
of historic German cities such as Cologne, Hamburg and Dresden.
Chiang Kai-shek, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Churchill at the Cairo Conference in
1943His good relationship with Franklin D. Roosevelt secured vital food, oil and
munitions via the North Atlantic shipping routes. It was for this reason that
Churchill was relieved when Roosevelt was re-elected in 1940. Upon re-election,
Roosevelt immediately set about implementing a new method of not only providing
military hardware to Britain without the need for monetary payment, but also of
providing, free of financial charge, much of the shipping that transported the
supplies. Put simply, Roosevelt persuaded Congress that repayment for this
immensely costly service would take the form of defending the USA; and so
Lend-lease was born. Churchill had 12 strategic conferences with Roosevelt which
covered the Atlantic Charter, Europe first strategy, the Declaration by the
United Nations and other war policies. Churchill initiated the Special
Operations Executive (SOE) under Hugh Dalton's Ministry of Economic Warfare,
which established, conducted and fostered covert, subversive and partisan
operations in occupied territories with notable success; and also the Commandos
which established the pattern for most of the world's current Special Forces.
The Russians referred to him as the "British Bulldog".
Churchill's health suffered, as shown by a mild heart attack he suffered in
December 1941 at the White House and also in December 1943 when he contracted
pneumonia.
Churchill was party to treaties that would redraw post-WWII European and Asian
boundaries. These were discussed as early as 1943. Proposals for European
boundaries and settlements were officially agreed to by Harry S. Truman,
Churchill, and Stalin at Potsdam. At the second Quebec Conference in 1944 he
drafted and together with U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed a toned
down version of the original Morgenthau Plan, where they pledged to convert
Germany after its unconditional surrender "into a country primarily agricultural
and pastoral in its character."[8]
The settlement concerning the borders of Poland, that is, the boundary between
Poland and the Soviet Union and between Germany and Poland, was viewed as a
betrayal in Poland during the post-war years, as it was established against the
views of the Polish government in exile. Churchill was convinced that the only
way to alleviate tensions between the two populations was the transfer of
people, to match the national borders. As he expounded in the House of Commons
in 1944, "Expulsion is the method which, insofar as we have been able to see,
will be the most satisfactory and lasting. There will be no mixture of
populations to cause endless trouble... A clean sweep will be made. I am not
alarmed by these transferences, which are more possible in modern conditions."
However the resulting expulsions of Germans was carried out by the Soviet Union
in a way which resulted in much hardship and, according to amongst others a 1966
report by the West German Ministry of Refugees and Displaced Persons, the death
of over 2,100,000. Churchill opposed the effective annexation of Poland by the
Soviet Union and wrote bitterly about it in his books, but he was unable to
prevent it at the conferences.
On 9 October 1944, he and Eden were in Moscow, and that night they met Joseph
Stalin in the Kremlin, without the Americans. Bargaining went on throughout the
night. Churchill wrote on a scrap of paper that Stalin had a 90 percent
"interest" in Romania, Britain a 90 percent "interest" in Greece, both Russia
and Britain a 50 percent interest in Yugoslavia. When they got to Italy, Stalin
ceded that country to Churchill. The crucial questions arose when the Ministers
of Foreign Affairs discussed "percentages" in Eastern Europe. Molotov's
proposals were that Russia should have a 75 percent interest in Hungary, 75
percent in Bulgaria, and 60 percent in Yugoslavia. This was Stalin's price for
ceding Italy and Greece. Eden tried to haggle: Hungary 75/25, Bulgaria 80/20,
but Yugoslavia 50/50. After lengthy bargaining they settled on an 80/20 division
of interest between Russia and Britain in Bulgaria and Hungary, and a 50/50
division in Yugoslavia. U.S. Ambassador Harriman was informed only after the
bargain was struck. This gentleman's agreement was sealed with a handshake.
The most critical study of Churchill is the revisionist work of John Charmley.
Charmley sees Neville Chamberlain as having a sound appreciation of the nation's
military and diplomatic strengths and weaknesses. Churchill, says Charmley,
repeatedly overestimated British strength and forced a commitment to total war
and total victory. But that led to national economic exhaustion, and the end of
empire, as Britain was eclipsed by the U.S. and the USSR. Furthermore he argues
Churchill had a deeply flawed character, exerted poor leadership, schemed and
intrigued for war. Charmley believes the best policy in 1940-1942 was a
negotiated peace with Germany and appeasement of Japan. [9]. This interpretation
does not address the political and moral impracticality of leaving Europe under
Nazi domination, nor how Britain could have survived indefinitely in a
relationship with such a state.
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